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Th e relatively predictable nature of international relations has changed, and today's strategic planners must take into consideration a large number of related security issues starting primarily from globalization as the dominant process in the international community. Faced with new challenges and threats, the post-modern society is obliged to make some changes of military missions from classical towards non-traditional missions for preservation and building of peace and its use in its own territory as a complement to civilian resources in cases of various crisis situations. Inevitably the question is what new asymmetric security challenges brought and where they settled Army as a pillar of national internal and external security. Th e new security reality also brings about a higher degree of interdependence between civilian andmilitary actors.Th ese changes result in a phenomenon that might be called a post-modern paradox – connecting and distancing of the armed forces from the society. And as the fi rst is caused by the mixing of internal and external security risks, and by increasing cooperation between military and civilian institutions, the second segment is caused by inevitable professionalization of the army and its transition to international missions. Th e given situation Charles Moskos represents in the following way "the perceptions of threats and opportunities presented in the light of the international situation shaped by military forces, military missions, and the relationship of the military in society."Th e wave of migrants, as a result of the war in the Middle East, has opened the Balkan route as the main entrance of migrants to Western Europe. Large infl ux of migrants, imposed this issue as fi rst-class security problem, which caused strain of all resources of the state at the specifi ed route and the involvement of the army in its peacetime mission assistance to civil authorities in emergencies. Th is fact showed that the army, with its organization, status, reputation, resources represents the pillar of the existence of internal security.Starting with the request that the army should have the ability to ensure compatibility with civil factors within the overall national security forces, modular military structure for missions in emergencies can be an option for adequate response.

Globalization as a social concept based on the principle of universalism announced the beginning of a new era and a model of international society, which would mean a sort of end of historical cycles. Optimistic faith in progress was one of the driving ideas of this, one of the most popular concepts of the global society. Proponents of globalization have claimed that the triumph of the West in the Cold War competition confirmed the superiority of the liberal model and represented a break with the real political perception of international politics. In this way, as argued, the conditions were created for the societies around the world to start their own reconstruction, creating a global culture and universalization of democratic governance, permanently overcoming war and establishing the lasting peace. The nature and dynamics of relationships in international politics unambiguously confirmed that the social and political reality has not developed as announced by the proponents of globalization, at the beginning of the last decade of the twentieth century. The modern world fell into a time of confusion, uncertainty and insecurity, growing into a global risk society. Strong rapprochement of nations, political communities and cultures and intensifying their interdependence encouraged more intense disagreement, the emergence of new national models, radicalizing definitions of identity to the most devastating forms. Globalization has not transformed the world, and the concept of global governance of the world proved to be a failed attempt, manifesting a variety of system dysfunctions. At the same time, the more pronounced interdependence of contemporary societies, based on the technological achievements of the postindustrial world, has expanded the range of issues that require the global approach. ; Globalizacija kao društveni koncept koji se temelji na principu univerzalizma najavila je početak novog vremena i začetak jednog modela međunarodnog društva koji će značiti svojevrstan kraj istorijskih ciklusa. Optimistička vera u progres bila je jedna od nosećih ideja tog koncepta, pa je globalizacija postala jedan od najpopularnijih koncepata globalnog društva. Međutim, globalizacija se pokazala kao koncept koji je u najvećoj meri izneverio najavljivana obećanja. Karakter i dinamika odnosa u savremenoj međunarodnoj politici, nedvosmisleno potvrđuju da globalizacija 'ne radi', da jenjava njena snaga i da je sve manje kredibilan koncept uređenja savremenog svetskog društva. Globalni finansijski kolaps koji je pogodio svet 2008. godine predstavlja najuverljiviji pokazatelj da je veći deo globalizacije diskreditovan, a vera u ujedinjeno čovečanstvo je sve manje poželjan koncept. Svet sa globalizacijom nije postao jedan od najboljih od svih mogućih svetova, kako je najavljivano. Mnoštvo sveta našlo se na socijalnom, ekonomskom i političkom bespuću. Pokazalo se da su upravo procesi uspostavljanja svetskog društva koje bi se zasnivalo na liberalnim i demokratskim kvalitetima uveliko uticali na radikalnu desocijalizaciju prostora širom savremenog sveta i dramatičan porast nebezbednosti. Snažne manjkavosti globalnog svetskog poretka intenzivirali su brojne političke, socijalne i verske dezintegrativne procese, pa se ispostavilo da je bila pogrešna najava da je sa globalizacijom otpočela era međunarodnog približavanja. Istovremeno, sve izraženija međuzavisnost savremenih društava, zasnovana na ostvarenjima tehnoloških dometa postindustrijskog društva, proširili su spektar pitanja koja podrazumevaju globalni pristup.

In many jobs, especially the ones where you need to get some confidential information in contact with other people, there are some forms of social engineering. Social engineering is the form of oral and gesture manipulation with individuals, aiming to impose them fulfill a kind of demands, made by the attacker. The existing problems in the confidential information protection sphere appear in the fact that behind each computer, there is a human being, as an individual, with own good and bad characteristics. Social engineering is a technique where persuading and/or delusion are used for getting the access to the computer systems. This is usually accomplished by conversation or some other forms of interactive communication. Countermeasures in fighting against social engineering are getting more complicated due to the fact that anyone who has the access to any part of the information system represents a potential risk to information security. Unlike other attacks on computers, social engineering does not refer to technological manipulation or the use of hardware and software vulnerability. Besides that, it does not demand any special technical skills and knowledge. This kind of attack exploits human weaknesses, as negligence or cooperation wish, in order to get an access to the confidential documents existing in the computer. Social engineering can be organized for the sake of profit and cyber terrorism or for the access to internal systems and confidential information. Big organizations that process and save sensitive data are the most often attacked and among them are telephone services providers, multinational companies, financial entities, hospitals Government agencies, military service and others. ; U mnogim poslovima, pogotovo tamo gde treba doći do poverljivih informacija u kontaktu sa drugim ljudima, prisutne su pojedine forme socijalnog inženjeringa. Socijalni inženjering je oblik govorne i gestikularne manipulacije pojedincima sa ciljem da se navedu na ispunjenje nekih zahteva postavljenih od strane napadača. Problemi koji se javljaju u oblasti zaštite poverljivih informacija nalaze se u činjenici da iza svakog kompjutera stoji čovek kao jedinka sa svim svojim dobrim i lošim osobinama. Socijalni inženjering je tehnika u kojoj se ubeđivanje i/ili obmana koriste da bi se dobio neovlašćen pristup kompjuterskim sistemima. Ovo se obično postiže razgovorom ili nekim drugim oblicima interaktivne komunikacije. Protivmere u borbi protiv socijalnog inženjeringa su vrlo složene. Usložava ih činjenica da svako ko ima pristup bilo kom delu informacionog sistema predstavlja moguću metu napada socijalnim inženjeringom. Za razliku od ostalih napada na kompjutere, socijalni inženjering se ne odnosi na tehnološku manipulaciju i korišćenje ranjivosti hardvera ili softvera. Pored toga i ne zahteva posebne tehničke veštine i znanja. Ova vrsta napada eksploatiše ljudske slabosti, kao što su nemarnost ili želja za kooperativnošću, kako bi se dobio pristup poverljivim dokumentima koji se nalaze na kompjuteru. Cilj socijalnog inženjeringa može biti sticanje profita, sajber terorizam ili pristup internim sistemima i poverljivim informacijama. Mete napada su najčešće, provajderi telekomunikacionih usluga, multinacionalne kompanije finansijski ustanove, bolnice, vladine agencije, vojska i drugi.

At the beginning of the 21st century, a matter of achieving the energy security, as an essentially important element of the global security system, has become one of the priorities of global politics. This has caused it to become more topical and increased its importance in international relations. The possession of energy reserves provides nations with a number of comparative advantages in contemporary international politics, and with a place among the leading centers of power on a planetary level. This fact gives a special meaning to energy security, because energy resources are an important lever by which nations project their power and influence. The correlation between energy resources and the strengthening of positions and roles of nations in international politics is undeniable and easily verifiable. The paper analyzes and partly explains various attempts to theoretically define the concept of energy security in the context of its growing importance in international relations and the impact on the strengthening of the projected positions of nations as subjects of international order. Nominal definition of the concept of "energy security" has been made more difficult by the fact that there is no universally acceptable definition of the concept of "security", as well as that there coexist various theoretical approaches to its definition. In the scientific and technical literature, the prevalent concept is that the content and scope of the concept of security today have been substantially expanded due to the continued widening of the limits of its problem framework. The basic characteristics of most of these definitions are non-equivalence – disproportionality and inadequacy. Namely, they are either too narrow and do not include all the contents and essential factors of the security, or they are too wide, and the concept is lost in the range of phenomena. Therefore, in the conceptual sense this term is so debatable that it is not even closely possible to reach an agreement on its meaning. The attempt to define the syntagm of "energy security" reveals the same tendencies as in determining the meaning of the term "security". Namely, there is a proliferation of different theoretical approaches, as well as differences in the definition of this syntagm, which are substantially determined by, among other things, the status that individual nations have in the global energy system. ; Početkom XXI veka jedan od prioriteta globalne politike postalo je pitanje ostvarivanja energetske bezbednosti, kao suštinski važnog elemenata sistema globalne bezbednosti, što je uslovilo njenu aktuelizaciju i porast značaja u međunarodnim odnosima. Posedovanje rezervi energenata omogućava državama niz komparativnih prednosti u savremenoj međunarodnoj politici i obezbeđuje im mesto među vodećim centrima moći na planetarnom nivou. Ova činjenica energetskoj bezbednosti daje posebnu dimenziju, jer energetski resursi predstavljaju značajnu polugu kojom države projektuju svoju moć i uticaj. Korelacija između energetskih resursa i jačanja pozicija i uloga država u međunarodnoj politici je nesporna i lako dokaziva. U radu su analizirani i delom objašnjeni različiti pokušaji teorijskog definisanja pojma energetske bezbednosti u kontekstu porasta njenog značaja u međunarodnim odnosima i uticaja na jačanje projektovanih pozicija država kao subjekata međunarodnog poretka. Nominalno definisanje pojma "energetska bezbednost" otežano je činjenicom da ne postoji univerzalno prihvatljiva definicija pojma "bezbednost", kao i da egzistiraju različiti teorijski pristupi u njegovom definisanju. U naučno-stručnoj literaturi preovladava shvatanje da su sadržaj i obim pojma bezbednost danas suštinski prošireni usled stalnog širenja granica njenog problemskog polja. Osnovne odlike najvećeg broja tih definicija su neekvivalentnost - nesrazmernost i neadekvatnost. Naime, ili su preuske i ne obuhvataju sve sadržaje i bitne činioce bezbednosti, ili su preširoke, pa se pojam gubi u širini pojava. Stoga je u konceptualnom smislu ovaj pojam toliko sporan da nije ni približno moguće postići saglasnost oko njegovog značenja. Pri pokušaju definisanja sintagme "energetska bezbednost" primećuju su tendencije kao i pri određivanju značenja pojma "bezbednost". Naime, postoji proliferacija različitih teorijskih pristupa , kao i razlike u definisanju ove sintagme koje su u znatnoj meri determinisane, pored ostalog, i statusom koji pojedine države imaju u globalnom energetskom sistemu.

The new security paradigm of the modern world, created in 1990s, led to a security organization of a number of countries of the former Soviet bloc. Also evolving, at varying pace, was the contractual relationship of collective security, which, due to the escalation of activities of extremist groups on the territory of Central Asia, the deterioration of Russia-NATO relations, as well as the emergence of the US military bases in the region, resulted in a decision to form the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in 2002. The basic declared purpose of the organization is a desire of the signatory countries to increase the effectiveness of their cooperation in the field of security. Established as a typical military alliance with characteristics of multifunctional organization for securing peace, CSTO aspires to the role of a regional leading organization in the field of security cooperation, with many open questions concerning its functioning and future development. Whether the new security organization raises the level of collective security of its associate member countries, and whether the said organization contributes to the security of the region and the world, only time ahead will tell.

The new security paradigm of the modern world, created in 1990s, led to a security organization of a number of countries of the former Soviet bloc. Also evolving, at varying pace, was the contractual relationship of collective security, which, due to the escalation of activities of extremist groups on the territory of Central Asia, the deterioration of Russia-NATO relations, as well as the emergence of the US military bases in the region, resulted in a decision to form the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in 2002. The basic declared purpose of the organization is a desire of the signatory countries to increase the effectiveness of their cooperation in the field of security. Established as a typical military alliance with characteristics of multifunctional organization for securing peace, CSTO aspires to the role of a regional leading organization in the field of security cooperation, with many open questions concerning its functioning and future development. Whether the new security organization raises the level of collective security of its associate member countries, and whether the said organization contributes to the security of the region and the world, only time ahead will tell. ; Nova bezbednosna paradigma savremenog sveta, stvorena devedesetih godina prošloga veka, uslovila je i bezbednosno organizovanje jednog broja zemalja bivšeg sovjetskog bloka. Sa različitom dinamikom razvijao se i ugovorni odnos o kolektivnoj bezbednosti koji je eskalacijom delatnosti ekstremističkih grupa na teritoriji zemalja centralne Azije, pogoršanjem odnosa Rusije i NATO-a, ali i sa pojavom vojnih baza SAD na tom prostoru, 2002. godine rezultirao odlukom da se formira Organizacija ugovora o kolektivnoj bezbednosti (OUKB). Osnovna proklamovana namena organizacije jeste želja za povećanjem efikasnosti saradnje u oblasti bezbednosti, zemalja potpisnica. Ustrojena kao klasični vojni savez sa karakteristikama više- funkcionalne organizacije za obezbeđenje mira, OUKB pretenduje na ulogu regionalnog lidera u oblasti bezbednosne saradnje, sa mnogo otvorenih pitanja njenog funkcionisanja i budućeg razvoja. Da li se sa novim bezbednosnim organizovanjem podiže nivo kolektivne bezbednosti pridruženih joj članica i da li navedena organizacija doprinosi bezbednosti regiona i sveta, pokazaće vreme koje je pred nama.

New NATO strategic concept was adopted by the end of 2010. Before that, the Russian initiative for creating a new European security architecture was released. Whether the views of the East and the West in these activities concerning one of the most important issues of the present day - personal and collective security - are closer than before, and whether the world is more secure and regulated following these initiatives - time will tell. This paper does not aspire to provide final answers to these and other questions. This is only an attempt to perceive basic aspects of the existing differences between Russia and the West in comprehending the security issue, and to extend to the readers, against that background, a unique intellectual challenge and invitation to analyze on their own, through the prism of the metamorphosis of two traditionally confronted parties' relations, the contemporaneousness in the area of security. The main assumption of the problem analysis is based on the fact that the differences between NATO, USA and Europe, on one side, and Russia, on the other side, in their approaches to general problems, in particular in the area of security, are still substantial and represent a large, often unbridgeable obstacle for initiating a proper dialog. The more so because the latest initiatives, included in the new NATO strategic concept and in the Russian motion for redefining the European security architecture, unambiguously comprise an initiative and a wish for a dialog. Unfortunately, in the former practice, such efforts for the most part have not produced expected results! The Russian idea was initiated on the basis of the new Concept of the Russian Foreign Policy and coincides in time also with the process of redefining the new NATO concept, which even more points to the necessity of actual reconsideration of the existing solutions and introduction of essential novelties in this, very important area. ; Novi strategijski koncept NATO-a usvojen je krajem 2010. godine. Pre toga objavljena je ruska inicijativa za stvaranje nove arhitekture evropske bezbednosti. Da li su ovim aktivnostima stavovi 'Istoka' i 'Zapada' o jednom od najvažnijih pitanja današnjice - ličnoj i kolektivnoj bezbednosti - bliži nego ranije i da li je svet posle tih inicijativa bezbedniji i uređeniji, pokazaće vreme. Ovaj rad nema ambiciju da daje konačne odgovore na ta i druga pitanja. To je samo pokušaj da se uoče osnovni aspekti postojećih razlika između Rusije i Zapada u poimanju problema bezbednosti i da se, na tom fonu, čitaocima uputi svojevrsni intelektualni izazov i poziv da kroz prizmu metamorfoze odnosa dve tradicionalno suprotstavljene strane sami analiziraju savremenost u sferi bezbednosti. Osnovna postavka analize problema zasnovana je na činjenici da su razlike između NATO, SAD i Evrope, s jedne strane i Rusije, sa druge, u pristupu opštim problemima, a u sferi bezbednosti posebno, i dalje veoma značajne i da predstavljaju veliku, često nepremostivu prepreku za pokretanje pravog dijaloga. Ovo tim više što poslednje inicijative, sadržane u novom strategijskom konceptu NATO-a i ruskom predlogu za redefinisanje evropske arhitekture bezbednosti, nedvosmisleno sadrže inicijativu i želju za dijalogom. Takva nastojanja, nažalost, u dosadašnjoj praksi uglavnom nisu davala očekivane rezultate! Ruska ideja pokrenuta je na osnovi nove Koncepcije ruske spoljne politike, a vremenski se podudara i sa procesom redefinisanja novog koncepta NATO, što još više ukazuje na neophodnost stvarnog preispitivanja postojećih rešenja i uvođenja suštinskih novina u ovoj, veoma značajnoj oblasti.